After six years, and more than 60 votes to repeal health care reform, Paul Ryan and House Republicans have come up with a GOP alternative to Obamacare that’s guaranteed to make millions of Americans sick.
There’s no legislation attached to the Republican plan either. That’s probably more by design than chance. As House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi pointed out, “It’s not a bill. It isn’t scored.” At a roundtable with reporters, Pelosi said, “Maybe when they ever decide to write legislation, they’ll get a score on how much it’s going to cost, how many people will lose coverage, and we can make a judgement about it.” Writing legislation would require Republicans to supply important details, like how many people their plan will cover, and how much it will cost. That’s something Republicans are unlikely to do, because their plan will cover far fewer people, and at considerable cost to American families.
Still relying on repeal. No Republican “alternative” to health care reform would be complete if it wasn’t build on the foundation of repeal. That alone makes the GOP plan a non-starter. President Obama would veto any repeal that made it to his desk. No matter who’s in the White House next, Republicans don’t have and won’t have the votes in the Senate to repeal the ACA. Even if Republicans had the votes, repeal would be a disaster. Unwinding the complex insurance system entangled with the law would be a bureaucratic nightmare. Not to mention that repeal would cause 20 million Americans to lose coverage.
A taxing proposal. The Ryan/Republican plan replaces Obamacare’s subsidies with a monthly tax credit that households could use towards insurance. The Republican plan offers no detail on the size of the tax credits. However, the value of the tax credit would be adjusted based on age rather than income. That means the wealthy, who could afford coverage without help, would receive the same tax credit as low-income Americans, while low-income households would get less help.
For working- and middle-class households, the Ryan/Republican plan’s tax credit would be offset by what amounts to a tax increase. The Ryan/Republican plan would tax workers’ health benefits, shifting the tax burden on generous employer-based coverage from employers to employees. This is based on the conservative belief that employer-sponsored coverage is too generous, working Americans have had it too good for too long, and benefits need to be reduced. The real world consequences are a tax increase and lower pay for American workers.
Repeating history on pre-existing conditions. On paper, the Ryan/Republican plan embraces Obamacare’s ban on discriminating against those with pre-existing conditions, but it’s a hollow embrace. The GOP plan puts Americans with pre-existing conditions — 25 to 29 percent of those who were “medically uninsurable” before Obamacare — right back into high-risk pools. But we already know that high-risk pools don’t work. Around since the 1970s, high risk pools existed in 35 states before Obamacare. They were underfunded and thus excluded many who needed coverage. Premiums were twice the market rate, and as much as 25 percent of household income.
Merciless Medicaid cuts. The Ryan/Republican plan cynically points to Obamacare’s “failure” to cover millions of Americans who have “fallen into a coverage gap between their state’s Medicaid eligibility and the eligibility for Obamacare subsidies.” Of course, that “coverage gap” was created by conservatives’ attempts to overturn the law in the courts, which led to the Supreme Court’s ruling that states could opt out of the Medicaid expansion. Republican governors formed their own “death panel,” refusing the Medicaid expansion and denying coverage to millions of Americans who couldn’t afford it without the expansion.
The Ryan/Republican plan eliminates the Medicaid expansion, and allots states a one-time fixed amount for their Medicaid programs, not to be adjusted for cost of living or economic downturns. It allows states to “charge enforceable premiums for limited benefit Medicaid packages, and ”enact waiting lists and cap enrollment“ for certain groups of Medicaid beneficiaries. Like previous Republican proposals, it replaces the expansion with ”block granting a fixed amount“ to states, empowering Republican-governed states to ”profoundly reshape the Medicaid program," effectively ending Medicaid as we know it.
The rest of the Ryan/Republican plan to replace Obamacare is simply the same ideas conservatives have been half-heartedly kicking around since health care reform passed.
“Tort reform” masquerades here as “medical liability reform,” but it still limits the amount of money injured people can receive in a malpractice lawsuit. The Ryan/Republican plan still cites “frivolous lawsuits” as a major contributor to rising health care costs, though studies found that only four to seven percent of the injured ever file suits, and that “medical liability” limits failed to cut health care costs in states like Texas and Ohio.
Republicans still want to let insurance companies sell insurance across state lines, only here its couched as freeing consumers to “purchase coverage across state lines.” When the Supreme Court allowed the credit card industry to do the same by “exporting” their home states’ interest caps, companies suddenly found new homes in states with low-to-no interest caps. It took Congress 31 years to stop that. The Ryan/Republican plan currently has no provisions to prevent insurance companies from doing the same.
Republicans still want to turn Medicare into a voucher program, and call it a “premium support system” that gives seniors a choice of private plans competing alongside traditional Medicare. The Ryan/Republican plan would also raise the Medicare eligibility age from 65 to 67, for anyone born in 1960 or later.
Republicans still want to repeal Obamacare for the same reason that the majority of Americans oppose repeal. It’s working.